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Colonel Ahmad Arabi ('Urabi) and the nationalists gained control of Tawfik Pasha's cabinent (early 1882). Nationalist elements in the Army threatened the Turkish and Circassian officers. Tawfik Pasha himsel was in danger.
Nationalists led riots in Alexandria and other port cities. This threatened not only Tawfik Pasha, but the Europeans living there. Both Britain and France dispatched warships to blockade Alexandria. The British landed troops and formally made Egypt a protectorate (1882). The growth of The Britisj Empire is a complicated empire. Unlike many empires, the British were in many cases reluctant imperialists. This was represented by the long running differences between Benjamin Disreali and William Ewart Gladstone who dominated British politics in the mid/late-19th century. Disreali the Conservative argued to expand tge Empire. It was he who suggested Victoria become the Emperess of India.) Gladstone wanted to limit it. Gladstone did not forsee a prolonged occupation of Egypt or to formally seize political control. A factor here was the diplomatic consequences (the Sultan in Constantinople and other European powers), but the major factor was Gladstone's reluctance to further expand the Empire. Even Gladstone, however, was unwilling to abandon Egypt to the nationalists without securing Britain's position in Suez. And there seemed no way of doing this with a hostile nationalist regime. Thus a military presence ws deemed necessary. Subsequent colonial officials orojected an extended British presence.
The construction of the Suez Canal by a British-French group made Egypt of great strategic importance to the Europeans. Egypt had been fouhjt over by the British and French in the Napoleonic Wars even before
the construction of the Canal. After comstruction, Suez would figure in both world wars and be the prize in the post-War Suez War (1956). A joint stock company (England, France, and Egypt) completed the Camal (1869). This provided a direct route for British shipping to India, their major colony. The Egyptian ruler, Ismail Pasha, owned the Egyptian shares personally. He iwned 44 percent of the shares in the Canal. Due to escalating debt, he was forced to sell. The British Government during the Conservative government of Benjamin Disraeli bought Ismail's shaes for £4 million (1875). This gave Britain control the strategic waterway. After having difficulty working with the khedive, the British occupied the country when a nationalist uprising threatened to seoze control (1882).
Ismail Pasha persued a modernization program fueld by increasing cotton export earnings and foreign loans. When the Civil War in America ended !1865) American cotton exports resumed and cotton prices fell. This reduced Egyptian cotton export earnings. And this made it difficult to meet the payments on foreign loans. Ismail attempted to increase tax collections, but finally had to sell his share in the Suez Canal joint-stock company. The European powers that loaned Egypt money formed the Caisse de la Dette Publique (Commission of the Public Debt) (1876). Members were appointed by France, Britain, Austria, and Italy. It sought to oversee the servicing of the Egyptian foreign debt.
There was until the late 19th century no true Egyptian army. Egypt was still nominally a part of the Ottoman Empire. Thus the officer corps was Turkish and Circassian. This began to change during the reigns of Said Pasha and Ismail Pasha, Both rulers allowed Egyptians to enter the officer corps. As the Egyptians began to become an important group, they began organizing secret societies. This was both a response to discrimination by Turkish and Circassian leadership as well as an expression of Egyptian natinalism.
The result was predictable. Egyptian Colonel Ahmad Arabi ('Urabi) defied the war minister which ecalated into a full-blown mutuny against the Tawfik Pasha, also referred to as the khedive. Colonel Arabi demanded a elections fpr a legislature and expanded allocations for the army.
The European powers pressured the Ottoman sultan to designate Ismail’s son Tawfik (Tawfiq) as the new pasha. Tawfik was more willing to cooperate with foreign creditors. This made him, however, unpopular with nationalists who were becoming an increasing force in Egypt. Egyptian nationalist groups began to be organized during the reign of Ismail Pasha. The expanding European influence in Egypt helped fueled the rise of nationalist sentiment. Egyptian nationalism included a strong Islamic element. An important Islamicist figure was Persian-born Jamal al-Din al-Afghani. He spent 8 years preaching and teaching in Egypt spreading his ideas. Egyptian intelectuals wrote plays and opened newspapers promoting both independence as well as constitutional government. The khedive was in fact an absolute monarch. Thus the constitution movement ws a threat to the khedive. The appoint of foreign debt commissioners had fueled criticism of the foreigners as well as the khedive who was seen as cooperting with them. The commissioners essentially reserved government revenue to pay off foreign loans. This mean that less money was available for other gobernment expenditures, including the military and domestoic spending (education and economic). Tawfik when he replaced his father took over in this environment and because he was seen as being even more compliant than his father became vey unpopular. Soon after becoming khedive, a nationalist uprising launched by Egyptian Army Colonel Ahmad Arabi threaten Tawfik (1881).
Col. Arabi and the nationalists gained control of Tawfik Pasha's cabinent (early 1882). Nationalist elements in the Army threatened the Turkish and Circassian officers. Tawfik Pasha himsel was in danger.
Nationalists led riots in Alexandria and other port cities. This threatened not only Tawfik Pasha, but the Europeans living there. Both Britain and France dispatched warships to blockade Alexandria. The British landed troops and formally made Egypt a protectorate (1882).
The growth of The Britisj Empire is a complicated empire. Unlike many empires, the British were in many cases reluctant imperialists. This was represented by the long running differences between Benjamin Disreali and William Ewart Gladstone who dominated British politics in the mid/late-19th century. Disreali the Conservative argued to expand tge Empire. It was he who suggested Victoria become the Emperess of India.) Gladstone wanted to limit it.
Gladstone did not forsee a prolonged occupation of Egypt or to formally seize political control. A factor here was the diplomatic consequences (the Sultan in Constantinople and other European powers), but the major factor was Gladstone's reluctance to further expand the Empire. Even Gladstone, however, was unwilling to abandon Egypt to the nationalists without securing Britain's position in Suez. And there seemed no way of doing this with a hostile nationalist regime. Thus a military presence ws deemed necessary. Subsequent colonial officials orojected an extended British presence.
Britain insisted that Tawfik Pasha try Col. Arabi and his nationalist associates for treason. They were found guilty and sentenced to death, but Tawfik commuted the sentences to exile. The trial further diminished Tawfik's very limited prestige.
Lord Dufferin, the British ambassador in Constantinople, was assigned the task of studying the situation in Egypt and assess how to proceed with the Protectorate. After a fact finding trip to Egypt, Dufferin submitted areport suggesting a series of administrative reforms. Achieving these reforms would, however, involve an extended British presence rather than the short occupation Gladstone wanted. Dufferin's position was reluctantly accepted in London. Here the British agent and consul general in Cairo, Sir Evelyn Baring, played a major role. He was awarded the title of Lord Cromer (1892).
Bitain was the most important imperial power of the 19th century. There was, however, an evolving sence of international law and diplomacy. The beginning of this was the Congress of Vienna at the end of the Napoleonic Wars (1815). European powers on a number of occassioins acted through consensus. Britain thus attempted to achieve a degree of international acceptance for its actions in Egypt. The primary problem was the French. The French Government objected to the abolition of the Dual Control (December 1882). While the Protectorate ended Dual Control, the Caisse de la Dette continued to operate and the French used the forum to register a degree of opposition to the Protectorate. This was a first a problem for he British. Egyptian finances in the early years of the Protectorate were a nightmare. Gradually beginning in 1889, the Egyptians began to report a surplus. This reduced the role of the Caisse de la Dette and provided more leeway for the British and Egyptian government. An important step for the British was the Convention of London (1885). This provided for an international loan to the Egyptian government. In addition two additional members (Germany and Russia) wre added to the Caisse de la Dette. Anotgher important undertaking was the Convention of Constantinople (1888). This provided that the Suez Canal would be open to ships from every country even during times of war.
The British also had to define the nature of the Protectorate. This meant the relationship between the British and Tawfik Pasha and his khedivial government. This was the official administration of the country throughout the Protectorate. The British never attempted to establish a colonial government like the Raj in India. The basic policy that evolved was that international issues were decided by the British Government in London. In cotrast, domestic matters were normally decided in Cairo by Lord Cromer. Througout his administration, Lord Cromer steadily expanded his influence. British advisers were assigned to the various ministries of the khedival government. The British advisers were often more influential than the actual ministers. Tawfiq himself proved to be a compliant figurehead unwilling to challenge the British, least he be replaced like his father. Some of the prime ministers he appointed were less compliant. Sharif was the first prime minister (1882-84). Nubar Pasha (1884–88) and Mustafa Riyad (Riaz) Pasha (1888–91), both had trouble with Lord Cromer. They resigned because of differences over administrative control. Mustafa Fahmi Pasha was much more compliant (1891-93 and 1895-1908), no doubt explaining his longevity in the position.
Assessing economic trends during the British protectorate is difficult. A major problem is that some authors write from an ideological perspective, primarily interested in depicting the evils of colonialism rather than actually assessing economic trends. We are not yet sure just what the British impact here was, but have begun to collect information. One siimple fact should be born in mind here. While colonialism is commonly depicted as a evil system, in many cases for good reason, quite a number of countries deteriorated in economic terms after the European powers departed. Thus readers should be careful in accepting the claims of ideologically oriented authors. The principal British interest in Egypt was of course the Suez Canal which connected the country with its promsry colony--India. One source suggests that the British chaged high tolls and refused to share the revenue with the Egyptian Government. This may well be true. We are not yet sure. It is also true, however, that Egyotian businessmen and workers benefited from the support activities associated with runnng the Canal and the increased commerce the Canal brought to Egypt. One highly critical complains that the British heavily taxed the Egyptian. We are not yet able to assess this. He also writes, "... the only things that the British improved in Egypt were the health care, education, and improved farming methods". Now the use of the term "only" seems strabnge as these are all very important areas. And there was another important achievement--infrastructure. Much of the country's modern infrastructure (roads, bridiges, and railroads) were built during the British protectorate. We are not yet sure just how to assess Egypt's economic progress during the Protectorate. It must be remembered, however, that the British, unlike the regime in India, did not take over the Egyptian civil administration. Thus any fair economic assessment must take into account both the British policies and the policies of the Egyptian Government. Here it is not enough tp point to Egyptian poverty. Egypt and the rest of the Middle East were very poor when the British establoshed the Protectorate (1882). What is important is the degree to which Egypt changed during the Protectorate which ended after World War I (1922).
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