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Many Americans during the 1920s came to feel that America's entry into the War was a mistake. After the rise of the NAZIs in the 1930s and Germany's rearmament, it became increasingly clear that Europe was moving toward another war. There was considerable talk of war profiteering. Many were detrmined that America should avoid war at any cost. This feeling was intensified with the Depression of the 1930s and the country's focus was on domestic issues. The anti-war sentiment in America and the memories of the men lost convinced many Americans that America must not get involved in any future European war. These sentiments combined with long-standing American isolationism resulted in the passage of a sries of Neutrality Acts. These Acts prohibited for United States companies to trade with belligerents. As a result, while the Fascist powers aided Franco's Falange in Spain, the Spanis Republic could not even buy arms in America. The show of German arms in Spain, especially Luftwaffe bombings of Spanish citties terrified many. With the growing military might of a rearmed Germany, war talk in Europe began. This fueled rge desire of many Americans to remain neutral. Isolationist leaders opposed any involvement in a European war and clashed with President Roosevelt who increasingly saw the need to confront the NAZIs and Japanese militarists. Some like Charles Lindbergh, thought that America could not win a war against Germany's vaunted Luftwaffe. Many not only opposed American envolvement, but even military preparadness and military expenditures were strongly oppossed in the Congress.
Many Americans during the 1920s came to feel that America's entry into the War was a mistake. After the rise of the NAZIs in the 1930s and Germany's rearmament, it became increasingly clear that Europe was moving toward another war. There was considerable talk of war profiteering. Many were detrmined that America should avoid war at any cost.
The anti-war sentiment in America and the memories of the men lost convinced many Americans that America must not get involved in any future European war.
The Great Depression of the 1930s was the worst economic slump ever to affect the United States. It was not just a national economic crisis, but one which spread to virtually every country. The greatest calamity to befall Americans in the 20th century was the Great Depression--a worse calamity than even two world wars. The Depression began with the Wall Street stock market crash in October 1929. Soon business were going under and Americans were losing their jobs. All Americans were affected. Eventually about one-third of all wage earners were unemployed and many who kept their jobs saw their earmings fall. President Hoover who had engineered a humanitarian miracle in Europe during World War was unable to break away from the mindset that the Government should not intervene in the economy. This anti-war and isolationist feeling was intensified with the Depression of the 1930s and the country's focus was on domestic issues.
Several candidated view for the Democratic Part nomination in 1932. Former New York Governor Al Smith who won the Democratic presidential nomination in 1928 hoped to win it again in 1932. Influential publisher William Randolph Hearst nominated House Speaker John Nnce Gardner who he said would put aside Wilsonian idealism and put "America first". Roosevelt had been a fervent supporter of President Wilson and the League. Understanding the fgutility of supporting lost causes, Roosevelt said that he no longer spported League membership, saying that the league had changed and was to involved in European affairs. [Freidel, Rendezuous, p. 68.] The importance of the issue clearly shows the strenth of isolationist sentiment in America at time. The term "america first" was to be reserected in 1940 by those determined to block the Roosevelt Administration's efforts to confront the NAZIs and Japanese militarists.
The Nye Committee was an important factor in strengthening isolationist thought in America. The U.S. Senate in the 1930s established the Senate Munitions Investigating Committee, a special committee established to study America’s role as an arms exporter.
The Committee chairman was North Dakota Republican Senator Gerald P. Nye and the committee became known as the Nye Committee. Many Americans had come to believe that the corporate quest for corporate profits acts to promote war. The Nye Committee conducted a well publiciaed study during 1934-36. The Nye Committee also studied the possible regulation of the arms trade. Senator Nye was an outspoken isolationist. His solution was to nationlize the arms infustry. This was too radical, but his Committee's findings impaired the reputation of many American companies. One practical outcome was the creation of the Munitions Control Board. More importantly, the Nye Committee conirmed the opinion of many that arms exports had involved America in World War I. The created support for the Neutrality Act that would prohibit American companies from selling arms to beligerant countries.
Opponents of President Roosevelt's New Deal organized the Libert League on August 22, 1934. Many conservatives in America, including conservative Democrats, were apauled by the expansion of the Federal Government's role in the economy as part of the New Deal fight against the Depression. President Roosevelt was acussed of trying to create a dictatorship and threatning individual librty. President Roosevelt was compared to Stalin, Hitler, and Mussolini. The League explained that it would work to "defend and uphold the Constitution" and to "foster the right to work, earn, save and acquire property." Some industrialists opposed to New Deal economic policies, especially du Pont family members, financed the League. Conservative Democrats like John W. Davis supported the League. The League was hampered, however, by the absence of a compelling spokesman to take on the President. The most prominent Democrat to join the Liberty Leauge was Al Jones, the former New York governor and 1928 Democratic preidential candidate. [Graham and Wander] Democratic presidential candidate Al Smith who Roosevely had campaigned for joined the League. Smith never forgave Roosevelt for superceeding him as the titular head of the Democratic Party. As a one-time leader of the progressive-wing of the Party, he could have severely damaged the New Deal. Smith's keynote speech at a League fund-raising dinner held January 25, 1936, was so extreme and embittered not only destroyed his legacy in the Party, but actually harmed the the League. A Roosevelt spokes quipped that Smith had turned his trade-mark Brown derby for a top hat. [Time Magazine] Jouett Shouse was President of the American Liberty League from 1934 to 1938 and authored many pamflets. Former President Herber Hoover, embittered at his stunning defeat in the 1932 election, never joined the League as it was seen as a Demoratic club, but his denoncements of the New Deal were along the same lines. [Freidel, Rendezuous, p. 140.] Georgia Governor Eugene Talmadge tryed to rally popular support against the New Deal, especially in the South which at the time was a key part of the Democratic coalition. The League also tried to organize a Farmers' Independence Council and the Southern Committee to Uphold the Constitution. None of these efforts had any notable success. President Roosevelt in 1934 strengthen his Congresional majorities and in 1936 achieved one of the most overwealming electoral victorie in American history. FDR's great peronal popularity and the electoral success of the New Deal during gradually diminished the influence of the League. The League did, however, play a major role funding the Reublican presidential candicy of Alf Landon in 1940. The League officially dissolved in 1940. Increasingly debates over foreign affairs were dominating American elections and here the anti-Roosevelt voices were concetrated in the America First Committee.
The Congress passed the Neutrality Act and President Roosevely signed it into law August 31, 1935. It provided for a mandatory arms embargo "... upon the outbreak or during the progress of war between, or among, two or more foreign states, the President shall proclaim such fact, and it shall thereafter be unlawful to export arms, ammunition, or implements of war to any port of such belligerent states." It was passed for a 6-month period, but Congress continued to renew it. Thus the Act is generally referred to in the plural as the Neutrality Acts. It was first invoked against Italy when Musolini invaded Ethiopia (1936). It was not at first invoked in the Spanish Civil War until an aviation builder (Glen Martin) began to supply planes to the Spanish Nationalists (Franco). The law was made permanent in 1937, but an exemption was made for "cash and carry" purchases, meaning orders paid in cash and not transported on American vessels. As war loomed in Europe, a September 23, 1938, Gallup poll showed 73 prcent of Americans were in favor of maintaining a mandatory arms embargo. A Douglas DB-7 bomber crashed in California pn January 23, 1939. When it was revealed that a Frenchman injured, press reports reveal that FDR planed to sell advanced U.S. aircraft to England and France. One journalist charged that the U.S. frontier was now "on the Rhine". Administration attempts to change provision of the Neutrality Acts run into Congressionl opposition, but public opinion polls show that American public opinion was beginning to change in 1939. FDR invoked 1937 Neutrality Law on September 5, 1938 after Germany invades Poland and England and France declared war on Germany. This meant American arms could not be shipped to the Allies as was done in World War I.
As a result, while the Fascist powers aided Franco's Falange in Spain, the Spanis Republic could not even buy arms in America. The show of German arms in Spain, especially Luftwaffe bombings of Spanish citties terrified many. With the growing military might of a rearmed Germany, war talk in Europe began. This fueled the desire of many Americans to remain neutral. Isolationist leaders opposed any involvement in a European war and clashed with President Roosevelt who increasingly saw the need to confront the NAZIs and Japanese militarists.
The isolationists were a large, vocal, and poweful challenge to President Roosevelt's efforts to fight the dictators. The isolationists were men and women from every walk of Americam life. The core of the movement was the Republican senators, many of which were from the progressive movement. There were also Democrats, but the most prominent isolationists were Sentate Republicans, men like William E. Borah (Idaho), Robert Marion La Follette (Wisconsin), Hiram Johnson (California), Arthur Vandenburg (Michigan), and Burton K Wheeler (Montana). The most vocal Senate Republican was Gerald Nye (North Dakota) who was the most fervant Senate spokesman for the American First Committee (AFC). The isolationist movement and the AFC obtained celebetity converts, especially famed aviator Charles Lindbergh who claimed to have technical competence in evaluating air forces. Notably absent, however, was Hollywood support. The isolations included both vicious anti-Semites like Father Couglin and racists like Senator Theodore Bilbo (Mississippi) as well as the more genteeel anti-Semitism of Lindbergh and Nye. There were also men fundamentally opposed to anti-Semitism and racism like Norman Thomas. Some ethnic groups like the German-American Bund were isolationists. Until the NAZI invasion of the Soviet Union (June 1941), the Communists were also involved. There were both important industrialist like Henry Ford and Robert Wood as well as critics of big business like Nye and Socialists like Thomas. It is difficult to imagine a more diverse group. They had varying motivations. Groups like the German-American Bund and Comminists were politically motivated. Others had a viseral hated of President Roosevelt. For the vast majority the primary motivation was an opposition to war. Here there was both a moral statement as well as a fear of war, especially a fear of NAZI Germany. What most did not understand and President Roosevelt did that Hitler and the NAZIs along with the Japanese militarists represented a fundamental challenge to Western civilization. The isolations could delay American entry into the war, but the delay would mean America would face an increasingly powerful Germany and the prospect of fighting a two-front war with Germany and Japan without allies.
American involvement in China did not begin with the Japanese invasion and the Roosevelt Administration. American naval vessels began cruises on the Yangtze River in 1854. The mission of these early cruises was to show the flag and support American consular officers. The naval mission grew ever more complex as the authority of the Imperial Government deteriorated in the late 19th century and became an important instrument of American foreign policy. Operations included putting landing parties ashore on occassio to protect U.S. interests. The U.S. Navy after the turn of the 20th century began to conduct the patrols in a more organized fashion. The Navy deployed purose-built gunboats and began coordinting operations with the Britidsh Royal Navy. The U.S. Navy was also deployed in anti-piracy patrols off the Chinese coast. Japnese forces were moving up the Yangtze River toward the Chinese capital which had been evacuated from Peeking to Nanking. Two U.S. Navy gunboats were at Nanking, the U.S.S. Luzon and the U.S.S. Panay. Chinese officials notified the American Embassy on November 27, 1937 that it must evacuate. The Ambassador and most of the Embasy personnel departed the net day on the U.S.S. Luzon. The rest of the Embassy stff remained another week. Ambassador Grew notified the Japanese government on December 1 that the U.S.S. Panay ould be departing. Panay took on Embassy officials and some civilians and began upriver. It escortied three Standard Oil barges. Two Royal Navy gunboats and some other British boats followed. A Japanese artillery position commanded by a Colonel Hashimoto fired on the ships, hping that it might precipatate a war with America and end civilian influence in the Japnese Government--finalizing the "Showa Restoration."
Panay flew an American flag as well as had Americn flags painted on the awnings and topsides. December 12 was a clear, sunny day with perfect visability. At about 1330, three Japanese Navy bombmers attacked Panay followed by 12 more planes that dive-bombed and 9 fighters that strafed. The attack was deliberate lasting over 20 minutes. As Panay began sinking, the Japanese sraffed the lifeboats and river bank. Two sailors and civilian were killed. there were 11 sailors seriously wounded. passenger died of their wounds; eleven officers and men were seriously wounded. [Morrison, pp. 16-18] There was no outcry in America for war. The Japanese Government which had not ordered the attack, promtly appolgized and offered compensation. The attack was, however, coordinated by military officers. Both the American public and the Roosevelt Administration were releaved that war could be overted. [Freidel, pp. 290-291.] The Japanese when they arrived in Nanking proceeded to conduct one of the greatest attrocities in their campaign in China--known to history as the Rape of Nanking". The Panay was also involved in intelligence collection. The Admistration for a while considered economic sanctions against the Japanese. The Navy gunboats missions continued through 1941 until the Japanese attack on Pear Harbor. The Japanese carfully avoided any further incidents. The Japanese officers responsible, however, got what they so ardently desired nearly 4 years later.
The isolations in Congress, both Republicans and Democrats, distrusted President Roosevelt. Until Mnich, however, Roosevelt avoided confronting the isolationists. After Munich, President Roosevelt was determined to support the Allies (Btritain and France) which brought him into conflict with the isolationists. Both groups supported increase defense spending. The President wanted to use some of the limited supply of rmns to assist the Allies. The isolationists wanted to use the new arms to supply only the american military. This they thought would strengthen the American military and avoid coming into conflict with the Germans.
There were poweful isolationists in the United States Congress. After Munich, it was clear that war was coming in Europe. The isolationists in Congress were determined that America would not be involved this time. Some of the most important were Senators William Borah, Hirmam Johnson, and Gerald Nye. The Congressional isolationists were not opposed to increased defense spending. They were opposed to American assistance to the Allies (Britain and France) as this could eventually involve America in the upcoming war. Until Munich there were no major issues separating Roosevelt from the isolationists, although many were distrustfil of him--including some Democrats. President Roosevelt recognizing the depth of public support for the isolation from Europe, did not confront the isolationists. After Munich this changed. It was clear to the President that isolatinism was a deeply flawed policy. If the Allies lost in a war with Germany, America would be left to fight the Germans, strengthened with all the resources of a conquered Europe, alone without Allies. Thus the battle for American public opinion began. The President in seeing the danger posed by the NAZIs was far ahead of public opinion. [Freidel, Rendezuous, p. 305.]
Kristallnachtht followed Munich by a month. Hitler having gained the military advantage over Britain And France as demonstrated at Munich had no compunction about dealing with the Jews who were now isolated and defenseless in Germany. Jews had been persecuted severly even killed in Germanny before Kristallnavht, but for the first time they were being killed openly in homes and on the street. Synagoues were burned. Most adult males were arrested. The world was shocked. Combined with Munich the impact on American public opinion was significant. There was no interest in military involvement. There was interest in increased defense spending. It was also clear to many Americans that Hitler and the NAZIs were evil people that represented a danger to America and democratic government. This provided a basis for President Roosevelt to begin to challenge the the isolationists.
Isolationists sought to put as many limitations as possible on the possibility of America ever going to war again. Congressman Louis Ludlow from Indiana prposed a constitutional amendment requiring a national referendum to approve any Congressional declaration of war--unless the United States itself was attacked. FDR took the threat seriously and had his son James pass on to the press his thoughts as to why this would be harmful. [Freidel, Rendezuous, p. 289.] It was not just a vague threat. Ludlow submitted his proposal in 1935 during the Ethiopian crisis. It had been bottled up in committee by the Democratic leadership. Ludlow had not, howver, given up. And by late 1937 had almost enough signatures to secure relase. The Panay Incident (December 1937) brought the extra sigatured needed. Pqssage would have been a virtual no-confidence vote in the President's conduct of foreifn affairs. Davis, p. 156.]
President Roosevelt in late 1938 began a cautious strategy of confronting the NAZIs within the limited scope permitted by the Isolationists in Congress and the considrable support that they enjoyed with the American public. The President persued a three prong strategy. First, President Roosevlt began to promote what he call "Hemispheric Defense". While public opinion was resolutely oposed to any involvement in Europe. Defense of the Americas was a different matter for which there was considerable public support as well as Republican support. Second, America must begin to rearm. The United States had a sizeable navy, but the army was miniscule. Here the threat was not yet obvious for huge increases, but increased defense spending could be achieved because even many isolationists supported it. The President after Munish was especially interested in air craft production. Third, the President began to pomote changes in the Neutrality Acts. The Allies could order arms in America, but once war broke out this would no longer be possble. FDR saw that this had to be changed. Third, the President began to use American diplomacy to influence the NAZIs. The basic card Roosevelt had to play was the threat of American industrial support the Allies. This meant in effect that beginning with Munich the Hitler and the NAZIs were in a race to defeat the Allies (Britain and France) before the weight of American industrial might could be mobilized. [Freidel, Rendezuous, p. 306-307.] The Kaiser and German generals made the same gamble in 1914. Hitler came much closer to succeeding.
The Soviet Union and NAZI Germany signed a Non-Agression Pact (August 1939). The two countries secretly agreed to to dismember Europe. It meant war. This necesitated an about face for the Communist Parties around the world which were cobtrolled by the Siviet Union. The American Communist Party followed directives from Moscow. Foreign Minister Molotov declared Germany was working for peace. Communist picket lines appeared outside the White House. Strikes occured in defense plants. The Communist withdrew from Anti-Fascist groups. From being an advocatecof opposition to the NAZIs and support for defense spebding, the Communist Party now opposed defense spebding and militart preparaion. While the Communist Party itself had relatively little influence in the United States, Communist=front groups promoting peace and isolationism did generate some support. And the Party did have influence in some labor unions.
What the world had feared, another world war began on September 1, 1939 when the NAZI German invaded Poland. German Panzers poured into Poland. The Luftwaffe devestated the largely obsolete Polish Air Force. The Poles fought valiantly, but were outclassed by the modern German weapons and the new tactical doctrine of Blitzkrieg. Britain and France sent diplomatic warnings and declared war when the NAZIs failed to respond (September 3). The Allies, however, provided no aid to Poland. The Soviet Union, as provided for under seceret protocols of the NAZI-Soviet Non-Aggerssion Plan, selaed Poland's fate when they attacked from the east. The war triggered provisions of the Ameican Neutrality Act.
President Roosevelt when war broke out in Europe (September 1939) requested that Congress ease the arms embargo requited by the Neutrality Act so that war material could be sold to the democracies (Britain and France) opposing Hitler. After much debate and arm twisting by Roosevelt, the embargo provision was repealed by a new Neutrality Act. Substantial majorities in both the House and Senate supported the new Neutrality Act--including influential Republicans. The measure was signed by the President on November 4, 1939. The Neutrality Act still had severe limitations. The Act permitted belligerents to purchase materials of war on a strictly cash and carry basis, but banned American merchant ships from travelling in war zones designated by the President. Although worded neutrally, "cash and carry" at the time favored Britain and France. Their financial resources and control of the seas enabled them to buy war materials in the United States and transport them in their own ships. It was a marked a shift from isoloation to pro-Allied neutrality and extrenely dangerous politically for FDR withan election only a year away. The conditions were very strict, were to be no U.S. ships in war zone around British Isles, no loans to belligerents, no travel on belligerent ships, and no armed merchant ships. This was the best FDR could do for the Allies at the time. At least arms and munitions as well as other supplies could now be provided the Allies. Hitler hoped that the allies could be defeated before American supplies could make a difference. Here Hitler was almost proved right.
Some like Charles Lindbergh, thought that America could not win a war against Germany's vaunted Luftwaffe. Lindbergh, the famed Lone Eagle who made the first solo flight across the Atlantic, was one of the most respected men in America. He was one of the most influential spokesmen among the isolationists. Lindbergh had been living in England. When the War began in Europe, he returned to America and entered the debate about American involvement. He began speaking at AFC events (April 1940). He criticized the Roosevelt Administration's efforts to support the Allies (Britain and France) against Germany. He was among the more restrained AFC spokesmen, but his fame brought him considerable attention. Roosevelt compared him to Civil War Copperheads (anti-War Democrats). Lindbergh in protest resigned his military commission. [Freidel, Rendezuous, p. 366.] Up until the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Lindberghg argued against American involvement in World War II and the measures taken by the Roosevelt Administration to confront the NAZIs and Japanese and to support the British. Mixed in with his promotion of isolationism were attacks on Jews. One of his most notable speeches was delivered in Des Moines, Iowa (September 11, 1941). He was speaking to support the America First Committee. He sharply criticized those that he accused of leading America toward war. He insisted, "If any one of these groups--the British, the Jewish, or the administration--stops agitating for war, I believe there will be little danger of our involvement." He told the audience that the Roosevelt Administration was acting against the country's interests. Lindbergh had visited Germany. He attended the Munich Games in 1936 as a personal guest of Luftwaffe Chief Herman Goering. He was given a tour of Luftwaffe facilities. The NAZIs even decorated him. As aesult of his voisits, Lindbergh doubted that the U.S. military could achieve victory in a war against Germany, which he said had "armies stronger than our own." Some agreed with him. Many Americans by this time, however, had come to side with President Roosevelt and saw the dangers represented by the NAZIs and Japanese militarists. There was, as a result, considerable criticim of Lindbergh. Somes denounced him as an anti-Semite. At a time that Jews were being massacered in unbelievable numbers by NAZI Einsatzgruppen in the Soviet Union, Lindbergh was attacking the Jews. Lindbergh was clearly anti-Semetic. German's anti-Semitic camaign including the excesses of Kristalnacht was well known. All that can be said in defense of Lindbergh is that the wnolesale murder campaign of the Hollocaust was not yet known.
Americans after World War organized many groups to oppose war. These groups has a range of orinentations. The groups varied in size, orientation, amd importance. Most of thee groups began to criticise President Roosevelt as he began to speak out against the Dictators. Americans concerned about the Roosevelt Administration's weakening of the Neutrality Acts to support the Allies formed The America First Committee (AFC) in September 1940. This was the most powerful isolationist group that resisted President Roosevelt's efforts to resist the dictators. There were a wide range of groups which promoted isolationism, many of which also opposed American rearmament. Some of the groups wre pascifists. Other had left-wing leanings. Socialist parties had historically resisted militarism and war. Here the situation was more complicated. Some left-wing groups were under the contol or strongly influenced by the Soviets. The Soviets built a huge military but ordered foreign communists to opposed domestic military spending. After the formation of the National Front in Europe (1936), the Communists out of fear of Hitler began supporting military preparations. This changed with the signing of the NAZI-Soviet Non-Agression Pact (August 1939). The Comminists abrutly changed again when the NAZIs attacked the Soviet Union (June 1941).
It is today difficult to understand why so many Americans failed to preceive the danger that the NAZIs posed to America. There are still some like Pat Bucanan that argue we fought the wrong war, but most serious historians now understand that American isolationism was ilconceived and seriously limited the ability of the Roosevelt Adnibistration to deal with the growing menace of NAZI Germany. There are a variety of reasons for the strength of the isolationists. There was a widespread belief in America after World War I that American involveent had been a mistake. Many believe that the industriatlists and arms manufacturers helped drag America into the War and profted. Many also believe that the Waar was a manifestation of decadent Europe. Thus when war broke out in Europe again, there was a strong belief that the United states should not get involved. Many sited President Washington's warming about getting involved in European wars. After the NAZI-Soviet Non-Agression Pact, Moscow ordered Communists in America to oppose not only American involvement, but American military preparadness. The arguments they used were ideological based aruments that war was a manifestation of cpitalism and working-class people should oppose war. The Communiss were a small group, but there arguments added to the wider opposition. The main arguments, however, were arguments aginst war. Here it is difficult to counter there arguments. No think person sees war as a good or moral undertaking. The fact is that Hitler and the NAZIs thought exactly this. Hitler's life in the trenches during World War I was the hapiest of his life . He saw war as an essential elkement of human exstence. Unfortunately for Europe, the German military had devised a modern and exceeding effective method of war--Blitzkrieg. No one at the time knew the emensity of the NAZI evil. Lindbergh in a speech to an aplaudng audience, "In the past we have delt with a Europe dominated by Britain and France. In the fiture we may have to deal with a Europe dominated by Germany." Lindbergh was a staunch anti-Semite, but in his defence he did not understand nor did most of the Europe the abject depravity of the NAZIs. Nor even after the NAZIs had swallowed up country after country did the isolations grasp that eventually would come America's turn. It is virtually impossible to conceive how America could have fought the War without Britain and the Soviets. Yet this is what a victrious isolationist movement would have meant. Thankfully they were up against a master politican--Franklin Roosevelt.
Many not only opposed American envolvement, but even military preparadness and military expenditures were strongly oppossed in the Congress.
The NAZIs lainched their long awaited Western Offensive on May 10 and from the onset scored impressive successes. FDR wanted to help, but was restrained by the Neutrality Act which among other provisions by flying assembled air craft to Britain ready to fight. The sollution was to fly aircraft to the Canadian border. Push then accross the border and then fly them on to Newfoundland where they could be loaded aboard ships for the British. This was not publicized at the time. American public opinion was still strongly isolationist and most Americans were convinced that the country should stay out of the War. Thus actions like this were done at great political risk.
The sudden quick and surprising fall of France to the NAZIs in June 1940 shocked most Americans. Some wanted to support Britain, convinced that America could no longer remain neutral and allow Hitler to conquer Bratain the rest of Europe. Others like Lidbergh, in awe of the mighty Luftwaffe, felt that the NAZIs had already won the War and it would be suisidal for America to challenge the Germans. President Roosevelt was convinced that Hitler and the NAZIs should not be permitted to dominate Europe, but was unsure that Britain would continue to fight.
The United States in 1940 despite the wars raging in Europe and Asia had an army smaller than that of several small European countries. The American army was smaller than that of Romania. At the Admistration's urging, Congress after an intensive debate, approved the first peacetime draft in American history. President Roosevelt on September 16 signed the Selective Service Act. The first draft had been during the Civil War. The draft envolved men from 21-35 years of age and involved only 1 year of training a military service. The votes in Congress were comfortable majorities as most Democrats and about half the Republicans supported it despite of the upcoming election November election. Undobtedly the radio bradcasts and newsreel images of London burning as a result of the NAZI Blitz were making an impression on the American people.
By the end of 1940, Britain was essential bankrupt. TheBritish Treasury did not have the resources to pay for armaments that had been orderd, let alone pay for additional orders. Unless President found a way to aid Britain, the country simply could not afford to coninue the War. The sollution, conceived by the POresident was Lend Lease. One of the AFC's largest efforts was to defeat the Roosevelt Administration's Lend Lease Bill in the Congress. Lead Lease was an anthema to the AFC because it deepened America's invpolvement in the War and shipped war material abroad instead of used to arm the American military. The AFC's language was extremely caustic. Senator Burton K. Wheeler and referred to Lend Lease as "the New Deal's triple 'A' foreign policy --it will plough undr every fourth American boy." FDR who often ignoredAFC outbursts told reporters, "I regard [it] as the most intruthful, as the most dastardly, unpatriotic thing that has ever been said. Quote me on that." [Freidel, Rendezuous, p. 362.] In fact, Lend Lease in the end not only help save America, but Western civilization itself.
The bitter debate between the Rooevelt Administration and the isolationists ended on December 7, 1941 when the Japanese attacked the U.S. Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor. The carrier attack was a stuning military success, cripling the fleet. It was, however, one of the great strategic misclucations in history. The American people over night were galvanized into a formidal national consensus to wage war. Even the isolationists joined the war effort. Men like Lindbergh who had fouught against involvement in foreign wars attempted to join the war effort. When Hitler declared war on America on Secember 10, 1941 the last obstcle to American involvement was gone. Even the American First Committee, which had so vehemently promoted isolationism, quietly dissolved itself 4 days after the Japanese attack.
Freidel, Frank. Franklin D. Roosevelt: Launching the New Deal (Little Brown: Boston, 1973), 574p.
Freidel, Frank. Franklin D. Roosevelt: Rendezuous with Destiny (Little Brown: Boston, 1990), 710p.
Gilbert, Martin. A History of the Twentieth Century Vol. 2 1933-54 (William Morrow and Company, Inc.: New York, 1998), 1050p.
Goodwin, Dorris Kearns. No Ordinary Time. Franklin and Eleanor Roosebelt: The Home Front in World War II (Simon & Schuster: New York, 1994), 759p.
Graham, Otis L. Jr. and Meghan Robinson Wander. Franklin D. Roosevelt: His Life and Times (New York, NY: Da Capo Press, Inc., 1985).
Time Magazine, February 2, 1936.
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